05 March 2025
The Paul Hirsch Music Collection
The Paul Hirsch Music Collection at the British Library is one of the most outstanding discrete collections of printed music held within the Library.[1] It is accompanied by the Paul Hirsch Papers, which include archival papers and documents relating to Hirsch’s music library and his collecting practices.
Paul Hirsch and his collection
Paul Hirsch, the son of a German-Jewish industrialist, was born in Frankfurt on 24 February 1881. He first began collecting music with his acquisition in 1897 of a Peters Edition copy of Johann Sebastian Bach’s St. Matthew Passion which would become the foundation purchase of a collection that would in time encompass over 18,000 items.
Paul Hirsch was also an accomplished musician (he played the violin and viola to a high standard), and an exceptionally cultivated man, who fully understood the needs of both the performer and the musicologist. In collecting, he was guided by principles of scholarly importance, the physical condition and preservation of the items, their rarity, typography, binding, and any special features such as illustration. In the early years of this collection, Hirsch’s acquisitions were dominated by editions of, and scholarly works relating to, Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, one of Hirsch’s favourite composers. Hirsch went to great lengths to assemble a vast collection of first and early editions in 1906, and was able to publish his own catalogue of Mozart items, the Katalog einer Mozart-Bibliothek.
Later, Beethoven and Schubert would be represented in almost equal strength and the library would hold a copy of almost every major opera published in full score. Paul Hirsch published a four-volume catalogue to his own collection, detailing the four main areas of the collection: theoretical works; opera; miscellaneous; and early editions of Mozart along with first editions of Beethoven and Schubert.[2] Items included in his collection can be searched on our library catalogue.
Hirsch's Music Library
From 1909 onwards, Hirsch’s Music Library in the Neue Mainzerstraße was open to the public for two afternoons per week, with Dr. Kathi Meyer as its librarian, whom Hirsch had appointed. Internationally, the collection was recognised as being an outstanding one, with many famous visitors throughout the musical world flocking to the library. Over the years, his visitors’ ledgers record such famous clientele as Alfred Einstein, cousin of Albert Einstein. On a warm and sunny October afternoon in 1920, Hirsch held an open day for visitors, complete with some of the rarest items, hand-picked, on display, and a small catalogue to describe them. One of the guests, Ludwig Sternaux, described the collection with admiration as the greatest private library he knew, located within one of the best parts of Frankfurt.
However, due to the changing political circumstances in Germany, it increasingly became more and more difficult for Hirsch to maintain his passion as a collector, having maintained contacts with booksellers all over Europe via his correspondence and regular travels. His correspondence after 1933 reflects the pressures to which Hirsch found himself exposed, due to the regulations which the Nazi authorities were imposing upon those wanting to obtain foreign currencies and purchases. More acutely, Hirsch, as a Jewish citizen in Germany, must have felt his business, and indeed his and his family’s lives to be under threat. His skills as a collector become even more remarkable when the enthusiasm he maintained amid the political events of those times is considered.
Hirsch fled Nazi Germany in 1936 and settled in Cambridge. In 1946, he sold his collection to the British Museum – later British Library – after it had previously been housed within Cambridge University Library for a short period. Paul Hirsch died in Cambridge on 23 November 1951, having secured for the British Library one of its finest ever acquisitions.
Hirsch the collector
The Paul Hirsch Papers at the British Library provide detailed records of how carefully and systematically Paul Hirsch went about building his library. All genres and all periods of European classical music are represented in his collection. It was his practice sometimes to buy inexpensive, imperfect copies of an item, and to exchange them for better copies at a later stage, if the opportunity arose. As Hirsch himself put it:
‘I do not regret a single one of my purchases, although I know I sometimes paid too much. What I do regret are the things I refused to buy, for many of them I have not seen again and some I despair ever to see again’.
The Paul Hirsch Papers include correspondence from bookdealers in major cities such as London, Paris, and Berlin, with whom Hirsch was in regular contact in the 1920s and ‘30s in Germany, as well as from the period following his move to England. You can find out more about the Paul Hirsch Papers in this blog.
Hirsch the musician
Not only was Paul Hirsch a collector of music, but he was also a gifted performer. He played the violin and viola, as a talented amateur, giving chamber music concerts at his own home in Frankfurt on a monthly basis. The Paul Hirsch Papers include concert programmes from concerts given in his house at 29 Neue Mainzerstraße. Hirsch played first violin in his own string quartet and quintet.
Highlights from the collection
Theoretical works
Among the many hundred theoretical works collected by Hirsch are several by the 15th century Italian theorist Franchinus Gaffurius. The autograph manuscript of Gaffurius’s first important work Theoriae Musicae Tractatus (A treatise on the theory of music), probably dates from 1479. A revised version of the treatise, which was printed in 1480 with the title Theoricum Opus, is also in the Hirsch Collection.
Franchinus Gaffurius: Theoriae Musicae Tractatus. British Library Hirsch IV.1441.
16th century music printing
The Hirsch Collection is especially rich in early examples of music printing. Ottaviano Petrucci was among the first to print music from moveable type. In 1498 he was granted a 20-year privilege to print both polyphonic music and chant in the Venetian states; by 1510 he has produced around 40 lavish volumes of sacred and secular music. Among these were five books of motets by the most highly regarded composers of the day, including Josquin, Brumel and Isaac. Hirsch owned a fine copy of the superius part of the third book of motets.
Decorated editions
Hirsch was particularly interested in decorated editions and fine engraving. The image shown here is from a description of a court ballet performed in celebration of the marriage of the Duc de Joyeuse in 1581 and includes illustrations of the costumes and sets, as well as the full text, and music for the songs and dances.
Musical playing cards
The vogue for dancing and singing in the early 18th century led to a huge increase in the publication of popular music. Some was published in unusual forms, for instance on fans or playing cards. Hirsch acquired a rare pack of 52 playing cards dating from around 1725. Each card bears a song for voice and flute. The cards are currently on display in our Treasures Gallery.
Pack of musical playing cards. British Library Hirsch IV.1444
A new AHRC Collaborative Doctoral Partnership (CDP) PhD Studentship between the British Library and Royal Holloway, University of London will study the Paul Hirsch Music Collection, its rich history and Paul Hirsch's collecting practices. More information about this exciting project and how to apply can be found on the Royal Holloway website.
The deadline for applications is Friday 25 April 2025, 12 noon UK time.
Music Collections Team
Further reading
[1] For an overview of the collection, see Alec Hyatt King, ‘Paul Hirsch and his Music Library’, British Library Journal, 7/1 (1981), pp. 1-11. Available at: https://bl.iro.bl.uk/concern/articles/7122340c-9fd4-4593-ba59-5c23fbf6d375
[2] Paul Hirsch and Kathi Meyer-Baer, Katalog der Musikbibliothek Paul Hirsch (vols 1-3, Berlin: M. Breslauer, 1928-1936; vol 4, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1947).
23 February 2025
Elgar’s musical sketches reunited at the British Library
The British Library has acquired a set of original sketches and drafts by Sir Edward Elgar for one of his best-known compositions, the Introduction and Allegro for strings. Elgar completed the work in February 1905 and conducted the first performance a few weeks later. In 1930 he tore these particular sketches out of one of his sketchbooks and gave them to a friend.
Years later, the sketchbook from which he tore them, which contains sketches for some of his other works, was donated to the British Library. We are delighted that we can now reunite the torn-out pages with the sketchbook, almost 100 years after Elgar removed them.
Identifying the origin of the sketches
Elgar often jotted down tunes and other musical ideas into a bound sketchbook. He would then expand and rewrite his ideas, sometimes copying them from one sketchbook to another, and gradually turn them into fully-formed musical works.
When we were alerted to the existence of the Introduction and Allegro sketches last year, we suspected that they came from one of Elgar’s many sketchbooks. It wasn’t clear which one, though. An initial clue came from the distinctive rubber-stamped page numbers on the sketches. The same type of numbering is found in Elgar’s ‘Sketchbook V’, now in the British Library.
Crucially the page numbers on the torn-out pages fill gaps in the pagination in this sketchbook. What clinches the connection, though, is the way that two pages from the Introduction and Allegro sketches fit exactly with stubs of the pages that were left behind in the sketchbook when they were torn out.
Elgar’s gift of the Introduction and Allegro sketches
Once Elgar had finished composing a work, he no longer needed the sketches and drafts created during the process of composition. He would sometimes give these to friends as mementoes. On 6 November 1930 he gave the Introduction and Allegro sketches to his former pupil Frank Webb. Webb recorded this gift in a faint pencil note on the first of the pages:
Given me by EWE [i.e. Edward William Elgar] Nov 6/30 (Torn out of his Sketch book) Sketches for the Introduction & Allegro
Frank Webb’s son Alan later published his own memories of Elgar, recalling that:
On occasion he [Elgar] would visit my father in his office. Once he pulled some manuscript sheets out of his pocket and said: ‘Here, would you like these?’ ‘These’ were sketches for the Introduction and Allegro for Strings.
The pages must have been folded up to fit into Elgar’s pocket, and they appear to have remained tightly folded ever since. They have now been acquired by the British Library, via Christie’s Private Sales, from the descendants of Frank Webb.
The musical content
We already held some very fragmentary sketches for the Introduction and Allegro, as well as the manuscript of Elgar’s final version. The newly acquired sketches and draft material fill a gap between these, chronologically, and shed light on how Elgar composed the work.
Many of the musical themes found in the final version are in place in the sketches, though they are mostly written in short score (i.e. on two staves) and not yet in the order in which they appear in the final version.
One particular melody in the Introduction and Allegro is known as the ‘Welsh tune’. Elgar was inspired to compose it after hearing distant singing while on holiday in Wales. This theme appears several times in the manuscript: as a single-line tune, a melody with lightly sketched harmony and fully harmonised in a setting for strings. Elgar used this string setting in the final version of the piece.
Making the material available
For preservation reasons the newly acquired pages will not be physically reattached to the sketchbook. However, researchers will be able to view all of the material together in the Library’s Rare Books and Music Reading Room. We will also be digitising it and ‘virtually’ reuniting it online.
The sketchbook has other missing pages, which were also torn out before the Library acquired it. Perhaps these will also come to light one day.
Notes
Alan Webb’s reminiscences of Elgar, ‘Some personal memories of Elgar’, are published in An Elgar Companion, ed. Christopher Redwood (Ashbourne: Sequoia Publishing, 1982), pp. 168-174.
The sketchbook from which Elgar tore the Introduction and Allegro material has the British Library manuscript number Add MS 63157. The new acquisition has been assigned the number MS Mus. 1964. Preliminary sketches for the Introduction and Allegro are found in Add MSS 63153, 63154, 63156, 47903. The final full score is numbered Add MS 58015.
Sandra Tuppen
Head of Music Collections
18 December 2024
Elizabeth Poston’s Christmas Music
The Elizabeth Poston Manuscripts (MS Mus. 1877) have recently been fully catalogued as part of the 18-month ‘Archives of Women Musicians’ project. A future blog post will provide an overview of the collection, but as the year draws to a close, we couldn’t pass up the opportunity to share some of Poston’s Christmas music.[1]
To begin in an obvious place: Poston’s Penguin Book of Christmas Carols (1965) and Second Penguin Book of Christmas Carols (1970) still grace many music stands come Christmas time.[2] Poston was a meticulous musicologist and editor, and her introduction to the first book demonstrates the breadth of research that went into the project. Her colourful, distinctive prose also reveals the strength of her passion for carols and for their histories of adaptation, arrangement, and – indeed – ‘maltreatment’.[3] For Poston, the Victorian revival of interest in carols was both a blessing and a curse: it revitalised the genre, but also gave rise to some of the repertoire’s ‘dreariest of travesties’, replete with pious, moralising words and ‘turgid’ music. She was particularly offended by ‘the sad case’ of ‘Good King Wenceslas’ – that is, John Mason Neale’s ‘deplorable’ addition of a ‘ponderous moral doggerel’ to a 13th-century melody, which she felt ‘debase[d] a splendidly gay and virile dance tune’.[4]
Across her long and multifaceted career, Poston arranged carols for many occasions and purposes, and we may infer that the ones she adapted several times were particular favourites. Many of these were medieval in origin: she made multiple arrangements of the 13th-century ‘Angelus ad virginem’, for instance, which she described as ‘a tune as enchanting and irresistible in its gaiety as the dancing angels of Fra Angelico’s Paradiso’.[5] Some of her arrangements followed this impulse to dance, while others went in a different direction entirely. In her music for the BBC Third Programme’s ballad cantata The Nativity – broadcast on Boxing Day 1950 – ‘Angelus ad virginem’ is heard as a gentle, floating tenor line, soon embellished by a florid solo alto before melting into sparkling, serene polyphony. The score is dedicated to Ralph Vaughan Williams, who shared Poston's enthusiasm for carols and encouraged her work (he also edited and arranged many himself). Poston’s tribute manifests musically, too: it opens with an arrangement of the same carol – ‘The truth sent from above’ – that begins Vaughan Williams’s Fantasia on Christmas Carols.
Poston was Music Supervisor for the BBC European Service during the Second World War, and for decades thereafter regularly contributed music for dramas and features broadcasts on the Third Programme and Home Service (and, later, Radio 3, Radio 4, and BBC Television). In her knowledge and interest in medieval and Renaissance literature and music, Poston found kindred spirits in Third Programme producers like Terence Tiller, Raymond Raikes, and Douglas Cleverdon, with whom she collaborated extensively on new radio adaptations of early drama. Following her work with Tiller on The Nativity (1950), Poston wrote music for several further BBC nativity dramatisations, including for Raikes’s A Nativity for N-Town (1962), which was based on plays from 15th-century Lincoln and for which Poston created a score based around carol arrangements. She also composed the score for the third instalment, The Nativity, of John Barton’s The First Stage series – a ground-breaking survey of the development of early English drama. It was broadcast on Christmas Eve 1956, and the front of an autograph score is shown below with cuttings from the seasonal Radio Times issue pasted on.
Poston worked with Tiller and Cleverdon on The Wakefield Second Shepherd’s Play, first broadcast on 26th December 1947. Her incidental music – scored for flute, oboe d’amore, harp, string quartet, and SATB soloists – was mostly original, but incorporated an arrangement of Peter Warlock’s carol ‘Tyrley Tyrlow’.
Friends and dedications
Poston was a close friend of Warlock, and she was greatly affected by his premature death on 27th December 1930. In a heartfelt BBC broadcast on Warlock in 1964, she commented on her continued remembrance and celebration of the composer at Christmas time: ‘Warlock’s carols [...] are in a class of their own. Christmas, the season of his death, is the season at which he still lives’.[6] Poston’s Two Carols in Memory of Peter Warlock, published by Curwen in 1956, comprise English-language arrangements of the Basque carols ‘Praise our Lord’ and ‘O Bethlehem’. In the latter, Poston draws out a metrical and rhythmic affinity between the carol and Warlock’s ‘Pieds en l’air’ (Capriol Suite), incorporating a gentle homage to her friend’s melodic line in the arrangement’s second verse.
Poston’s ‘gift for friendship’ – to borrow the phrase used in Madeleine Davies’s Church Times profile – is abundantly clear in the paratexts of her scores, which very often include dedications to family, friends, and colleagues from the worlds of music, broadcasting, and the church. The earliest original carol in the BL’s collection is titled ‘Salve Jesus, little Lad’, and signed ‘E.P., Xmas 1924’. The 19-year-old composer dedicated the carol to ‘C. P.’ – surely her mother, Clementine Poston, with whom she lived until the latter’s death in 1970. A new edition of this carol has recently been published by the charity Multitude of Voyces, who are also the copyright holders and are able to help with enquiries about any of the composer's music.[7]
The image below shows the opening of the beautiful, melancholic carol ‘Sheepfolds’, composed in 1957 and published in 1958. The manuscript here shows a pencilled-in dedication above the title, in Poston’s hand, reading ‘To Donald Ford, if he likes it!’. Below the title, presumably in Donald Ford’s hand, it reads ‘(Which he does, immensely!)’. Such layering of meaning onto her manuscripts suggests so much about Poston’s social networks and compositional processes, which researchers can explore more easily now that the material is fully catalogued and available to BL readers.
‘Sheepfolds’ is a setting of a poem by Madeleva Wolff, who was a prolific poet, religious Sister, and President of Saint Mary’s College in Notre Dame, Indiana. Poston’s autograph scores are accompanied by brief but illuminating correspondence between Poston and Wolff. On receiving a manuscript copy in early 1958, Wolff wrote to Poston:
I write to tell you how deeply touched I am with the poignant setting that you have made [...] We are devoted here at Saint Mary’s to Nativity Plays, to mimes based on the scriptures. You have written to our very hearts and have touched the themes most dear to us. Please know how happy we shall be to use your sensitive interpretations of great moments in the spiritual life of the world.[8]
Poston was a committed Christian and found constant compositional inspiration in the religion’s calendar and ritual. She was also passionate about writing and arranging accessible, singable music that took its words and source materials seriously – as illustrated in this recording of ‘The Lamb’, and in the recordings of many of the pieces discussed here on the recent disc of Poston’s carols and anthems by the musicians of St Albans Cathedral. These selections have given an impression of the breadth and depth of Poston’s work, but they barely scratch the surface even of the seasonal contents of the BL’s Elizabeth Poston Manuscripts – there’s much to explore beyond the famous ‘Jesus Christ the Apple-Tree’.
References
[1] An overview of the Poston collection, alongside a report on the ‘Hidden Collections’ project of which it was part, is also forthcoming in Frankie Perry and Loukia Drosopoulou, ‘Archives of Women Musicians: A “Hidden Collections” Cataloguing Project at the British Library', Brio, 61/2. The musical and literary works of Elizabeth Poston remain in copyright until 2058. The charity Multitude of Voyces is the official representative of the composer’s copyright and enquiries should be directed to [email protected]. Images have been reproduced here under the exceptions to copyright detailed at: https://www.gov.uk/guidance/exceptions-to-copyright.
[2] ‘Christmas’ is being used here as a shorthand to cover the general season spanning Advent to and beyond Epiphany.
[3] Elizabeth Poston, ed., The Penguin Book of Christmas Carols (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1965), especially ‘Introduction’, pp. 9-18, and ‘Notes of the carols’, pp. 21-32.
[4] Ibid., 9; 15; 25.
[5] Ibid., 10.
[6] Elizabeth Poston, ‘Dispelling the Jackals’, broadcast BBC Third Programme, 1964, reproduced in John Alabaster, Elizabeth Poston: catalogue of works with biographical context (Stevenage, Herts: The Friends of Forster Country, rev ed., 2022, ©transferred to Multitude of Voyces 2022), 187-192: 192. Neither Alabaster’s reproduction, nor the reproduction in Peter Warlock: A Centenary Celebration (1994) give the exact date of broadcast, but the BBC Programme Index (genome.ch.bbc.co.uk) shows that Poston produced and presented a series of programmes about Warlock running 1964-1965.
[7] The new edition renders the title ‘Salve Iesus’, following orthographic advice. Further information about the charity’s Poston project can be found here: https://www.multitudeofvoyces.co.uk/elizabeth-poston/.
[8] Letter from Sister M. Madeleva Wolff to Elizabeth Poston, 14 March, 1958. MS Mus. 1877/1/4/32.
Frankie Perry, Music Manuscripts and Archives Cataloguer
08 November 2024
Highlights from the Royal Philharmonic Society Archive
To mark The National Lottery’s 30th birthday celebrations this year we have put together a blog post about the archive of the Royal Philharmonic Society (RPS), acquired by the British Library in 2002 thanks in part to a grant from the Heritage Lottery Fund, alongside generous donations from other individuals and trusts. This post highlights some of the treasures found in the RPS archive and the research that the archive has sparked since its acquisition by the Library.
The RPS and its archive
The Royal Philharmonic Society (RPS) was founded in 1813 as the Philharmonic Society of London by a group of 30 professional musicians with the purpose ‘to promote the performance, in the most perfect manner possible, of the best and most approved instrumental music’. It continues today as a busy charitable organisation devoted to ‘creating opportunities for musicians to excel, championing the vital role that music plays in all our lives’. The Society began by establishing an annual concert season which included music by the greatest composers of the time, with new commissions from composers like Beethoven, Cherubini, Mendelssohn, Dvořák, and Saint-Saëns, some of whom were also invited to conduct their own works. The Society also has a long history of inviting distinguished performers to perform at its concerts, among them figures like Clara Schumann and Pablo Casals. You can find out more about the RPS’s impressive history and current activities on the RPS website and through the selected literature in the ‘References’ section below.
Over the years, the performing and administrative activities of the RPS resulted in the formation of a considerable archive (now British Library RPS MS 1-417). This contains over 270 manuscript scores, including many composer’s autograph manuscripts of works performed by the RPS, alongside dozens of volumes of letters and important administrative documents up to 1968. The latter include a series of 20 minute books in which the proceedings of meetings of the Directors of the RPS were recorded. These minute books are full of valuable information about the running of the Society, its financial affairs, the planning of each concert season, the commissioning of new works, matters raised by its members, and much more.
One such minute book records the commissioning of a new symphony from Beethoven in November 1822 and the Directors’ decision to offer Beethoven £50 for this. Notes of the meeting show that they hoped to receive it by March 1823, in time for performance during the 1823 concert season. This became Beethoven’s famous Symphony no.9 and the manuscript in the RPS archive is known as the ‘London manuscript’.
‘Resolved that an offer of £50 be made to Beethoven for a M.S. Sym[phon]y. He having permission to dispose of it at the expiration of Eighteen Months after the receipt of it. It being a proviso that it shall arrive during the Month of March next.’
The manuscript that Beethoven sent to the Philharmonic Society in 1824 of his Symphony no.9 was a copy prepared by three music copyists under his supervision. The manuscript includes numerous minor corrections and annotations in Beethoven’s hand, alongside markings arising from the first London performance.
In 2021 the Library held the exhibition Beethoven: Idealist. Innovator. Icon, which included a number of collection items from the RPS Archive, including the London manuscript of the Ninth symphony. This was displayed alongside Beethoven’s autograph manuscript (on loan from the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin) for the first time in the UK.
The RPS Archive also includes 47 volumes of letters from numerous British and European composers and musicians who corresponded with the RPS. Among them, one from Tchaikovsky following his visit to Britain in 1893. The composer had conducted his Fourth Symphony at a Philharmonic Society concert in May that year and wrote to the secretary, Francesco Berger, of his eagerness to return to conduct a new symphony he was working on (that was his Sixth, but Tchaikovsky died later in the year before another visit could be organised).
The archive includes much more too, from concert programmes, posters and official notices through to a number of objects. Among them are a tuning fork and numerous ivory counters with Directors’ and other members’ names on them.
Such a wide-ranging archive has provided plenty of scope for research of different kinds over the years, and indeed it has been a frequently-consulted addition to the British Library’s collection both onsite and online (the entire RPS archive was digitised in 2013 for the Gale database, Nineteenth Century Collections Online). As well as material relating to famous composers and performers, the archive also offers insights and glimpses of other individuals. People like Joseph Harris, copyist of the instrumental parts for the first London performance of Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony, who we hear from in letters describing his work (he said that the Ninth was “the longest & most difficult thing I ever copied… yet the most beautiful Composition”).
The 19th century was a period in which the ‘business’ of music making and the act of concert going became increasingly established in ways we can still recognise today. The wealth of detail in the RPS Archive has allowed researchers to map this change through the seemingly prosaic but essential processes documented in minute books, financial ledgers and other administrative documentation. Being able to preserve the archive here at the British Library is especially beneficial because of the connections with other collections held here, be it those of individuals who worked with or for the Society, or of other concert organisations. Together, such collections help to provide a rich and vivid picture of music making and concert life from the 19th century onwards.
Chris Scobie, Lead Curator Music Manuscripts and Archives
Loukia Drosopoulou, Curator Music
References
The Royal Philharmonic Society: The History and Future of Music. https://royalphilharmonicsociety.org.uk/assets/files/RPS_A5_History_booklet_08_revised.pdf
Leanne Langley, ‘A Place for Music: John Nash, Regent Street and the Philharmonic Society of London’, Electronic British Library Journal, 2013. https://doi.org/10.23636/1057
Cyril Ehrlich, First philharmonic: a history of the Royal Philharmonic Society (Oxford: Clarendon Press), 1995.
01 November 2024
A Personal Peal at St. Paul’s
Most directors of cathedral music would probably consider their energies amply enough absorbed by the demands of choir and organ and liturgy, but a few years into his tenure at St. Paul’s Cathedral in London, Dr. John Stainer (1840–1901) found duty beckoning him away from the choir-stalls and organ-loft to the belfry in the north-west tower. Here, in the mid-1870s, over 160 years after the cathedral’s completion, there still hung no full peal of bells for change-ringing, only the solitary service-bell. (The three clock bells chiming faithfully over in the south-west tower were entirely separate: what was lacking were bells to celebrate Sundays, feast-days and great occasions.) It was a situation incompatible with civic and national pride, and a problem which now fell to Dr. Stainer, at least in part, to remedy. With the other members of the newly-formed Bell Committee, he set about creating cathedral music of an altogether different kind.
John Stainer: ‘A genial, good-natured, likeable man’
John Stainer, c. 1878. Reproduced in Lock and Whitfield, ‘Men of mark: a gallery of contemporary portraits of men distinguished in the Senate, the Church, in science, literature and art, the army, navy, law, medicine’ (London: Sampson Low, 1876-1883). British Library RB.23.b.7030.
Stainer, a native of London who had sung as a boy treble at St. Paul’s, had been appointed organist and Director of Music in 1872, aged 32. He is generally acknowledged to have made considerable improvements to the Cathedral’s musical standards while remaining, as one description has it, ‘by all accounts […] a genial, good-natured, likeable man whose industrious personality engendered respect in others.’ [1] He was also a composer in his own right: ‘God so loved the world’, from his oratorio ‘The Crucifixion’, is still sung regularly in Holy Week.
Campanology must presumably have been relatively unfamiliar territory for him, but his ‘industrious personality’ he nevertheless threw into the work of the Bell Committee. Three years were to suffice for the necessary fund-raising and the commissioning of a brand-new peal of twelve bells. Tuned to the key of B flat and weighing thirteen tons in all – at the time the world’s heaviest peal of twelve, and still second only to the bells of Liverpool Anglican Cathedral – they were cast at the (still-extant) foundry of John Taylor & Co. in Loughborough, carried gingerly to London, hoisted into the north-west belfry through a gap apparently left specifically for that purpose by the ever-prescient Sir Christopher Wren, and rung for the first time on All Saints’ Day, November 1st, 1878. [2]
Enter H. R. Haweis, foe of ‘din and discord’
Such a prominent change to London’s soundscape was bound to attract much attention and comment. One figure who could be counted upon to offer an opinion was the Rev. Hugh Reginald Haweis (1838–1901), the charismatic, go-ahead vicar of St James’s, Marylebone. A veteran of the Italian War of Independence and an early advocate of the Sunday opening of museums and galleries, he had made a name for himself by arguing controversially that spiritualism was compatible with Christianity, and, even more controversially, by actually attending séances. Amidst all this he still found time for music, and in particular for a keen interest in bells. His expertise, though amateur, was well-respected – he had been the author of the article ‘Bell’ in the ninth edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica, published earlier that year [3] – and indeed, when it came to bells, he was a hard man to please: ‘I question whether there is a musically true chime of bells in the whole of England, and if it exists, I doubt whether any one knows or cares for its musical superiority.’ [4] He was convinced of the tonal supremacy of Belgian bells, writing repeatedly of the ‘relief’ afforded him by visits to ‘the old cathedrals of Belgium, with their musical chimes and their splendid carillons’. [5] ‘Willingly do I escape from the din and discord of English belfries to Belgium, loving and beloved of bells,’ he declared.[6]
H. R. Haweis, c. 1888. Reproduced in J. Waléry, ‘Our celebrities: a portrait gallery’ (London, publisher unknown, 1888). British Library 1764.e.5.
So he could certainly be expected to take an interest in the tintinnabulary developments at St. Paul’s, and to wish to see and hear the new peal at closer quarters. Just over a week before the inauguration, John Stainer wrote to him with a personal invitation. ‘Our formal opening will take place at 5.30 on Nov[ember] 1st but if you will mount the tower with me at 11 on that day you shall have the bells struck for your own special benefit.’ [7] Stainer also sketched out a musical stave indicating the pitches of the new bells, along with their respective weights.
Letter from John Stainer to H. R. Haweis, 22nd October 1878. British Library MS Mus. 1928. Reproduced with permission. You may not use the material for commercial purposes.
Haweis pronounces his verdict
As it turned out, Haweis did not have to wait that long to carry out his inspection, nor Stainer to find out his verdict. On 29th October, a letter from Haweis appeared in the Times: ‘Fresh from a tour in Belgium, with the sound of the Mechlin [Mechelen] and Ghent bells still ringing in my ears, I ascended, with note-book, candle, and muffled hammer, the side tower of St. Paul’s Cathedral, in which twelve new bells have just been placed by the munificence of the City companies […]’. (A pause to point out that ‘For eight years I have pleaded the cause of bells and carillons in England.’) Having first excoriated the flatness of Big Ben at the Palace of Westminster (‘hoarse, cracked, and gong-like […] the scourge of the neighbourhood’), the new peal at St. Paul’s he merely damned with faint praise. ‘It is as good as most in England,’ he wrote. ‘Ten years ago it would have been passed by architects and bell committees with applause – will probably be so passed now – and the newspapers may speak of the “superb new peal” and its “mellow silver tones”, the cost, and so forth – and indeed it is quite as good as I expected and as expensive as needs be.’ [8]
But after six hours in the belfry he had discovered a more fundamental flaw: the bells were out of tune. ‘I am quite clear that the radical imperfection of the octave and a half as it now hangs will appear whenever the first attempt is made to ring a tune on the first seven and last five of St. Paul’s bells.’ [9] He also believed that they had been hung in such a way as to damage the tower when ringing.
Whether Haweis returned on the morning of the 1st November to take up Stainer’s invitation, or what passed between the two men if he did, is not known. But that evening the Cathedral was ‘crowded to the doors’ for the inauguration, with thousands more gathered in the churchyard and down Ludgate Hill to hear the first peal rung by the Ancient Society of College Youths, the City of London’s foremost bell-ringing society. (The Society is well-named in that, tracing its foundation to 1637, before the Great Fire, it is older than the cathedral itself, as well as most of the City’s churches.) [10]
The west front of St. Paul’s seen in N. D’Anvers, ‘Some Account of the Great Buildings of London’ (London: Marcus Ward, 1879). Autotype photograph by Frederick York (1879). The change-ringing bells hang in the north-west tower on the left.
A regular ‘ding-dong’ in the Times?
In subsequent days Stainer and other members of the Bell Committee wrote to the Times in defence of their work. Stainer took Haweis to task on the question of tuning. It was not a question of pitch but of timbre, he argued; all bells sound several secondary tones as well as the principal one, and Haweis must, moreover, have been striking the bells in the wrong place. ‘The only place where a bell should be struck is on the sound bow itself […] Would Mr. Haweis test a [Stradivarius] violin by bowing it below the bridge? […] When properly tested on the sound-bow, there will be found a remarkable purity of tone throughout the St. Paul’s peal […] They are in excellent tune, and capitally hung.’ [11]
Haweis returned to the letters page on November 14th, the tenor of his argument unaltered. The bells were sharp, he was sure of it, and in any case, if the ear has an impression of sharpness, it scarcely matters whether timbre or pitch is the technical cause: ‘It is no more apology for sharp bells to say that they seem sharp when they sound sharp, but are really “excellently in tune,” as Dr. Stainer says St. Paul’s bells are, than to tell me that my boot is a comfortable fit although it seems to pinch […]’ [12]
A lasting legacy for Londoners
Other committee members continued the debate in subsequent editions, but Haweis, never to be persuaded, was to maintain his lamentation of the deficiencies of both St. Paul’s and Westminster belfries, notably at a Royal Institution lecture the following February. [13] Stainer, for his part, seems to have been content to let the bells speak for themselves. At any rate, he had given enough satisfaction to Dean and Chapter to be entrusted with the installation in the south-west tower, three years later, of ‘Great Paul’, at sixteen tons the United Kingdom’s largest working bell, and the second-largest ever cast in this country. [14] He was knighted for his services in 1888, but in the same year had to resign his position owing to failing eyesight.
Stainer and Haweis died within three months of each other in 1901. The bells, of which Stainer had predicted ‘Londoners will some day be proud’, rang on, Sunday in and Sunday out, gradually embroidering themselves into the life of the City. [15] ‘And neighbouring towers and spirelets joined the ringing / With answering echoes from heavy commercial walls, / Till all were drowned as the sailing clouds went singing / On the roaring flood of a twelve-voiced peal from Paul’s,’ John Betjeman was to write in 1955, by then recalling the Sunday morning soundscape of the pre-Blitz City. [16] Many of the bells he was remembering had been first silenced by wartime conditions, then destroyed in the bombing of their churches — but, almost miraculously, those of St. Paul’s had survived, and to this day ring out for half an hour before three services on Sundays.
But Haweis’s ultimate wish, one to which Stainer had expressed sympathy, is yet to be fulfilled: the installation of a carillon in the south-west tower of St. Paul’s: ‘I still hope,’ he had written, ‘to see Dr. Stainer […] seated there at a noble carillon clavecin of 40 Belgian bells, whose melodious tongues will then utter aloud the open secrets of the great Tone-Poets, while the crowd below […] shall be rapt in wonder […].’ [17] A project, perhaps, for some future Director of Music.
Dominic Newman, Manuscripts Cataloguer
MS Mus. 1928, a newly-catalogued collection of various musicians’ letters, is now available for consultation in the Rare Books & Music Reading Room.
References
[1] Dibble, J. (2004, September 23). ‘Stainer, Sir John (1840–1901), musicologist and composer.’ Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Retrieved 25 Oct. 2023, from https://www.oxforddnb.com/view/10.1093/ref:odnb/9780198614128.001.0001/odnb-9780198614128-e-36234.
[2] St Paul’s Cathedral, ‘The bells’, web article. Retrieved 26 Oct. 2023 from https://www.stpauls.co.uk/bells.
[3] Baigent, E. (2004, September 23). ‘Haweis, Hugh Reginald (1838–1901), author and Church of England clergyman’. Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Retrieved 25 Oct. 2023, from https://www.oxforddnb.com/view/10.1093/ref:odnb/9780198614128.001.0001/odnb-9780198614128-e-33763.
[4] Haweis, H. R., Music and Morals (London: Longmans, 1872), p. 389.
[5] Ibid., p. 377.
[6] Ibid., p. 387.
[7] Letter from John Stainer to Hugh Reginald Haweis, 22 Oct. 1878. British Library MS Mus. 1928.
[8] Haweis, H. R., “The New Bells Of St. Paul’s.” The Times, 29 Oct. 1878, p. 8. The Times Digital Archive, link.gale.com/apps/doc/CS135052125/TTDA?u=blibrary&sid=bookmark-TTDA&xid=6035918d. Accessed 13 Oct. 2023.
[9] The Times, 29 Oct. 1878, ibid.
[10] “The Bells Of St. Paul’s.” The Times, 2 Nov. 1878, p. 8. The Times Digital Archive, link.gale.com/apps/doc/CS135314274/TTDA?u=blibrary&sid=bookmark-TTDA&xid=74c6b84b. Accessed 26 Oct. 2023.
[11] The Times, Nov. 7th, 1878.
[12] Haweis, H. R. “St. Paul's Bells.” The Times, 14 Nov. 1878, p. 11. The Times Digital Archive, link.gale.com/apps/doc/CS185777006/TTDA?u=blibrary&sid=bookmark-TTDA&xid=48be56ae. Accessed 13 Oct. 2023.
[13] The Times, 10 Feb. 1879.
[14] “The Bells Of St. Paul’s.” The Times, 2 Nov. 1878, ibid.
[15] Stainer incidentally has another musical legacy in London: Stainer Street, near his birth-place in Southwark. This street is unusual in being enclosed along its entire length by a long brick tunnel-like arch holding up the platforms of London Bridge station. The arch is effectively a barrel-vault and creates, appropriately enough, a church-like acoustic. Into this space, which is now part of the station concourse, an old church organ was installed in 2022; at the time of writing it is available for anyone to play free of charge.
[16] John Betjeman, ‘Monody on the Death of Aldersgate Street Station’, in Collected Poems (London: John Murray, 1985), p. 270.
[17] The Times, 14 Nov. 1878, ibid.
20 August 2024
Royal Musical Association Papers, 1874-1971
To mark the 150th anniversary of the Royal Musical Association (RMA) and its upcoming Annual Conference at Senate House (University of London) and the British Library, we have put together a blog written by Leanne Langley, former RMA Vice-president, about the RMA archive held at the British Library.
55 manuscript volumes make up the British Library’s (BL) Royal Musical Association Papers, 1874-1971, catalogued as Add. MSS 71010-71064. Gathered with the benefit of some serendipity, these were presented to the Library by the RMA in 1983, 1989 and 1992. They complement a small number of RMA-related papers from the 1930s and 40s already held by the BL (Add. MSS 56236 and 59670).
Large as it is, this archive doesn’t cover the Association’s entire 150-year history: a substantial tranche of more recent Council minutes (March 1950 onwards) and other matter remains in the RMA’s possession and is set for assessment and accession in due course. But the current Papers do cover a very large part of the RMA’s distinguished history, offering an unrivalled look into the nation’s oldest learned society for music. Founded in London in 1874 as the Musical Association, ‘for the investigation and discussion of subjects connected with the art and science of music’, the organization flourished independently of British higher education until the late 1940s. Its ‘Royal’ prefix, presented by George VI in 1944, conveyed high symbolic status at a crucial moment, while all along, genuine prestige accumulated through the Association’s fostering of solid research.
From 170 members in 1874-75 to a current membership of more than 1400, the Association has maintained its venerable position and unique character among music scholarly organizations. It publishes two journals and a monograph series, sponsors study days and two annual conferences, supports new work by young and mature investigators including musicologists, music analysts, ethnomusicologists, composers and practitioners (in and beyond academia), and promotes intellectual exchanges with colleagues in all corners of the globe. Strong historical links with the British Museum/British Library, moreover, make the Papers’ location especially apt.
As a former RMA Council member, Journal reviews editor and vice-president, I was looking forward to our sesquicentenary in 2024 when, in 2015, the Council asked me to consider writing a history of the Association. Since the RMA Papers had never before been examined as a whole, it made sense to embark on a study of this rich resource for that purpose. But could I sustain a systematic search through 55 hefty volumes? Meetings, membership and finance records, scrawly handwriting and repetitive correspondence doesn’t sound like the stuff of riveting history; key information would have to be excavated and the context amplified before any narrative could amount to more than a dutiful summary.
Lo and behold, discovering more about the real (historical) people on every folio and seeing why they ran things as they did – who their friends and colleagues were, what they were up against, what they were aiming to achieve both as a group and in their own researches: all these intersecting lines prompted more questions. I soon looked forward to the many long days it would take, over several months, to absorb details in the Papers and to find logical connections explaining the RMA’s trajectory, and its people as distinctive scholars. I persisted with the challenge.
Without exaggeration I can say that the exercise has been eye-opening, not only for what the Papers contain, but for the outward paths they point, the actions and reactions they document. The RMA was small, but never intellectually isolated from scholars in other fields or from music in public life; its membership was once diverse in ways that have recently begun to disappear; and its dedication to music research was always intended to benefit wider society and improve public discourse. These findings open new ways to appreciate the RMA’s achievement. Illuminating how ‘musicology’ only gradually, belatedly, became professionalized in the UK and how its local character differed from that in Europe and the USA, the Papers also affirm that British musicology influenced, and in turn was marked by, those separate and eclectic traditions.
The Papers themselves are divided into two main parts: Minutes and Official Papers (Add. MSS 71010-71035, vols. 1-26); and Correspondence (Add. MSS 71036-71064, vols. 27-55).
The first part is subdivided by content type: eight Minute books, 1874-1950, and a ‘Standing Instruction book’ of 1901-33; seven volumes of Membership records and attendance registers, c. 1874-1970; six volumes of financial papers, c. 1927-84; and three mixed volumes of printed announcements, the Articles and Memorandum of Association, sessional arrangements and project reports, 1898-1971. The Papers’ second part, even more extensive, consists of thousands of letters arranged alphabetically by writer, Anon. to Zwingli. Although strictly ranging across 1898-1971, this material is concentrated in the 1950s and 60s, owing largely to the care of the RMA Secretary at that time, Nigel Fortune, whose skilled management contributed markedly to a lift in the standing of British musicology.
Among many intriguing items, the following examples give an idea of topical scope:
- early news clippings reacting to the Association’s founding
- menus and programme cards for ‘Annual Dinners’ (the earliest from 1898)
- drafts of Annual Reports with financial and member information
- attendance registers for specific paper meetings
- committee reports and letters (from 1938) recommending fruitful new areas of research that might be taken up by younger scholars
- copies of the Home Office letter to E.H. Fellowes, 24 August 1944, conveying the King’s grant of permission to use ‘Royal’ in the Association’s name
- design and launch plans, at the V&A, for the RMA’s Musica Britannica (MB) edition in 1951, coinciding with the Festival of Britain (prefaced by complaints from Encyclopaedia Britannica over supposed illegal use of the name ‘Britannica’)
- a telegram from the King’s private secretary, congratulating the RMA on the publication of their first three volumes in the MB series
- extensive correspondence with printers, book agents and reprint companies, shedding light on the business of scholarly journal publishing (the Association acted as its own publisher for 111 years and benefited from the international reprint bonanza of the 1960s)
- documentation of Joseph Kerman’s plans for a facsimile edition of Beethoven’s ‘Kafka’ Sketchbook in association with the RMA and the British Museum in 1970.
Many more subtle details, for example involving decision-making and future research directions, are also present, whether buried in minutes, post-paper discussions, letters or articles. Some are associated with celebrated scholars, critics and librarians, from John Stainer, William Barclay Squire and E.H. Fellowes to Sylvia Townsend Warner, Edward J. Dent and Frank Howes; from Francis Galpin, C.B. Oldman and Anthony Lewis to Thurston Dart, A. Hyatt King and Denis Arnold. But many other good ideas came from members less well known, some of them far-flung.
As a spur to one’s historical imagination, raising issues not previously appreciated, there is nothing so effective as full immersion ‘in the archive’. It can provide a spark to further work and new understanding. For helping me grasp a richer view of the Royal Musical Association’s long history, I am glad I said ‘yes’ to these Papers.
Leanne Langley
22 July 2024
Samuel Coleridge-Taylor and the practicalities of performance
I recently had the pleasure of visiting the British Library’s Beyond the Bassline exhibition. Admiring the autograph manuscript of Samuel Coleridge-Taylor’s Hiawatha’s Wedding Feast led me to wonder: might not more of Coleridge-Taylor’s wonderful music be heard today if some of the obstacles to performance were removed?
Be it through libraries, publishers, or online services like IMSLP, we are used to being able to access high-quality ‘performance-ready’ sheet music editions. It comes as something of a surprise, therefore, to learn that a significant amount of Coleridge-Taylor’s output is unavailable via these means. To understand why, a brief history of performance sets may be useful.
Performance sets in the early 20th century
In 1898, when Hiawatha’s Wedding Feast was composed, any large-scale work such as this was expensive to publish. In the days before computers and photocopiers, any sheet music part requiring multiple copies for performance would need to be hand-engraved onto copper plates, which could then be used for printing as many copies as were required. Vocal scores, containing all vocal parts and a piano reduction of the orchestral score, were printed in their thousands using this method, ensuring each choir member could have their own copy. String parts, too, with multiple desks to a part, were also often (but not always) engraved and printed in this way. For material requiring only one copy for performance, however – usually all wind, brass and percussion parts, as well as the conductor’s full score – it was uneconomical to engrave and print in this manner, and these were normally copied by hand by a professional copyist from the publishing house. Depending on the popularity of the work, only one or two copies of each of these parts would ever be produced.[1] Any choral society wishing to perform the work would purchase the printed vocal scores from which to rehearse, and hire the manuscript orchestral material from the publisher when ready to perform.
Composers’ autograph scores used in performances
For those of us accustomed to revering a manuscript as an almost sacred object, it is amazing to learn that the composer’s autograph was often included in these performance sets for the conductor to use. The RCM’s manuscript of Coleridge-Taylor’s Kubla Khan, op. 61, for example, includes a label from the publishers reminding borrowers not to mark, or even cut out sections(!) from this unique object. This was rarely enough to entirely discourage conductors from annotating the scores, and many such scores contain obvious markings from prior performances.
This system of producing performance sets worked well enough, and met the needs of publishers and performers. Long term, however, this approach could lead to lost parts (which could be re-copied) or, much worse, lost scores (which could not!). Famously, Coleridge-Taylor’s only opera, Thelma, op. 72, was believed to be lost until it was rediscovered in 2003.
Eventually, as technology changed to make the printing of scores and parts easier and cheaper (along with the emergence of a more conservation-minded approach to composers’ autograph manuscripts), these performance sets left the ownership of publishers and made their way into libraries.[2] While this represented an important step for the long-term preservation of these works, their reference-only status in their new homes effectively put an end to their availability for performance – a symbolic change in status from ‘music for performance’ to ‘music for study’. In many cases, only the scores survived, the parts being deemed a ‘duplication’ of the scores’ contents, unworthy of study from a historical standpoint (not being in the composer’s hand), and therefore an unnecessary use of precious space.
Performing Coleridge-Taylor’s music today
Today, therefore, it is remarkably difficult for an orchestra or choral society to lay their hands on performance material for some of Coleridge-Taylor’s most popular works – and this despite much of his music being out of copyright and, in theory, freely available for all to enjoy. Works such as Choral Ballads, op. 54, or Ulysses, op. 49, may perhaps never be performed again as originally conceived, the scores and parts having completely vanished.[3] Yet for most of his works, the survival of an autograph or copyist score offers hope that they can be revived. The absence of orchestral parts is problematic, but not insurmountable.
The upsurge in interest in Coleridge-Taylor's music in recent years has given rise to some heroic efforts at revival and some inspiring stories of success. Following the discovery of Thelma, this opera was performed for the first time in 2012; a published score is also available to purchase. More recently, Legend, op. 14, for violin and orchestra, was given a new lease of life in 2022 by Bournemouth Symphony Orchestra. The following year, working from autograph and copyist scores of The Atonement, op. 53, Bryan Ijames staged a production of this monumental work for Easter 2023.
It would be remiss to fail to mention the English Heritage Music Series, whose formidable efforts in the production of performance material from library manuscripts have rescued many works by Coleridge-Taylor and his contemporaries from obscurity. All their performance editions are freely published, royalty-free, for download on their website; and their all-Coleridge-Taylor programme of rescued works will be live-streamed on 3 August 2024.
Each of these projects represents a phenomenal effort on the part of their respective leaders. The editing of performance material from a manuscript orchestral score – especially when the handwriting is as difficult to decipher as Coleridge-Taylor’s! – is a large and daunting task. Yet each is a valuable contribution to the continuing effort to promote the music of this fascinating composer and serve as an encouragement to those inspired to do the same. Many more of Coleridge-Taylor’s works are yet to be revived, and those with the drive to do so will be richly rewarded by bringing to life these treasures from the past.
Jonathan Frank, Assistant Librarian, Royal College of Music
[1] Hiawatha’s Wedding Feast is a rare exception, being so popular that it was deemed worthwhile to engrave the wind and brass parts.
[2] See Jeremy Dibble, ‘The RCM Novello Library’, The Musical Times 124 (1983), 99-101.
[3] In many cases, excerpts from these works survive in arrangements for smaller ensembles, such as voice and piano.
24 June 2024
Min’yō: a cultural heritage of sweat, toil, and joy
The aftermath of World War II was a period of dramatic upheaval for Japan. What had been an empire nation was now struggling to rebuild amidst the ruins of two atomic bombs, under American occupation no less. An influx of Western culture alongside rapid industrialisation was the beginning of an irreversible transformation for Japanese society. For many, there was a pervasive sense of cultural loss, leading to large-scale efforts by the government to quickly preserve and maintain traditions on an institutional scale. On a musical level, ethnomusicologists, scholars, and musicians collected Japanese folk tales, texts, and songs with a new sense of urgency.
Among the collectors was Yoshiaki Machida, also known as Kashō Machida, a shamisen player and ethnomusicologist. Between 1944 and 1980, Machida edited a nine-volume anthology of transcriptions and song notations from different regions in partnership with Japan’s national broadcaster, NHK, which released a set of corresponding recordings. The anthology contains min’yō, which translates literally as ‘folk song’ in Japanese and encompasses a wide variety of traditional Japanese song with distinctive, region-dependent characteristics.
We have one out of the nine volumes in our collection, titled ‘Nihon min’yō taikan : Kyūshū hen hokubu’ which translates to: ‘A survey of Japanese folksong : Kyushu district’. Published in 1977 (Showa 52), the book contains regional folk songs from the island of Kyūshū in southern Japan, relating to an assortment of activities – mining, farming, and fishing, and even tea making; there are also lullabies, and songs relating to religious festivals. Housed in a card box covered in textured washi paper, the book features a painted illustration of traditional whalers on the front cover.
The book opens with a foreword written by Tomokazu Sakamoto, company president of NHK at the time. In it, Sakamoto thanks Machida for his editorial work on the book while paying tribute to his advanced age of 90 years old. Here is a translation of a passage from the foreword:
'We reflect on the past, when folk music continued to thrive in the working life of the population, alongside their daily lives. After the war, many jobs gradually began to mechanise and become more streamlined. Min’yō songs, the cultural heritage of our predecessors’ sweat, toil, and joy, gradually began to disappear. Therefore, it is our duty to preserve them as quickly as we can. Even though we call it ‘preservation’ using one word, this does not stop at merely keeping a record of the songs. If we do not understand the path of transmission of these songs, within their real context, it will be almost impossible to fulfil our goal.'
Although a lot of the folk music-related items we hold in our collection relate to British traditions, we also hold a rich variety of music books from around the world, which wouldn’t otherwise be accessible in the UK. Thanks to a generous donation, ‘Nihon min’yō taikan’ is one such item.
Gail Tasker, Music Cataloguer
Excerpt translated by Lucy Tasker
Further reading:
Groemer, Gerald. 'The Rise of 'Japanese Music.'' The World of Music, vol. 46, no. 2, 2004, pp. 9–33. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/41699564. Accessed 18 June 2024.
Music blog recent posts
- The Paul Hirsch Music Collection
- Elgar’s musical sketches reunited at the British Library
- Elizabeth Poston’s Christmas Music
- Highlights from the Royal Philharmonic Society Archive
- A Personal Peal at St. Paul’s
- Royal Musical Association Papers, 1874-1971
- Samuel Coleridge-Taylor and the practicalities of performance
- Min’yō: a cultural heritage of sweat, toil, and joy
- Harriet Cohen and Astra Desmond: introducing two newly catalogued archives
- Celebrating Women Musicians, past and present
Archives
Tags
- Acquisitions
- Africa
- Americas
- Classical music
- Contemporary Britain
- Digital scholarship
- Digitisation
- East Asia
- eResources
- Events
- Film
- Georgians-revealed
- Germanic
- Humanities
- LGBTQ+
- Literature
- Manuscripts
- Medieval history
- Middle East
- Music
- Newsroom
- Philatelic
- Popular music
- Printed music
- Projects
- Rare books
- Recordings
- Research collaboration
- Russian Revolution
- Slavonic
- Sound and vision
- South Asia
- Visual arts
- World and traditional music
- Writing