In November 1885, after the deposition of King Thibaw at the end of the Third Anglo-Burmese War, British forces moved into the palace at Mandalay, where they found ‘a small royal white elephant’ in the menagerie, with another regular elephant kept as its companion.

Minute paper regarding the discovery of the white elephant in the palace at Mandalay - IOR/L/PJ/6/192, File 27

In the era of the Konbaung dynasty, to which Thibaw belonged, the possession of a white elephant was required in order to assume the title of Hsinbyushin or Hysinbyumyashin - Lord of the White Elephants - and legitimise one’s position as ruler.  Owning a white elephant signified royalty and status but most importantly, wealth, since housing and keeping these creatures was an expensive endeavour - as the British would soon find out.  Indeed, in English the term ‘white elephant’ now means something that is a financial burden, with little to no benefit.

Note by Sir Ashley Eden of the India Office making reference to white elephants as ‘an emblem of royalty’ and recommending that the animal should not be sent out of Burma - IOR/L/PJ/6/192, File 27

In a series of letters between the Chief Commissioner of British Burma and the Foreign Department in Simla (Shimla), the question of what to do with these two young elephants - and the financial and political concerns involved - was posited back and forth, with three eventual solutions being proposed:

• The white elephant could be presented to the King of Siam as a gift
• It could be transported to the Royal Zoological Society in London
• It could be kept in the Phayre Gardens at Rangoon (now Yangon).

In these letters, the Secretary for Upper Burma to the Chief Commissioner, Herbert Thirkell White, referred to the ‘uselessness’ of the two elephants, and the ‘inconvenient arrangement’ of paying 140 Burmese rupees a month for their care.  On 14 April 1886 the animals were handed over to the Transport Department, despite not being old enough to serve as beasts of burden.

In the interest of avoiding a political incident, the decision was made not to gift the animals to the King of Siam.  As a letter to the Chief Commissioner explained, presenting a Burmese royal white elephant to the King ‘would be regarded as a humiliation in the eyes of the Siamese’.

A series of letters between Burma, India and Siam discussing the white elephant - IOR/L/PJ/6/192, File 27

Despite concerns about the white elephant being acquired by ‘pretenders to the throne’ should it be sold within Burma, there was a similar political risk involved in removing the animal from the country.  The Secretary of State for India, Viscount Cross, wrote in a letter to the Governor General of India: ‘... it has been suggested to me that the removal of the animal to this country may produce an unfavourable effect upon the minds of some portion of the natives of Burma, and that it might on that account be more advisable to keep it in the Phayre Gardens at Rangoon’.

Copy of a letter from Viscount Cross, Secretary of State for India, to the Governor General of India, 3 February 1887 - IOR/L/PJ/6/192, File 27

Copy of a letter from the Chief Secretary to the Chief Commissioner of Burma to the Foreign Department in Simla dated 25 May 1887, reporting the decision to transport the white elephant to the Phayre Gardens in Rangoon IOR/L/PJ/6/206, File 1208

Although we have found no record of what happened to its companion, the white elephant’s story has a happy ending, and it was eventually moved to the Phayre Gardens.  In 1901, the Gardens were commissioned as a memorial to Queen Victoria and reopened in 1906 as the Victoria Memorial Park and Zoological Gardens, where the white elephant was touted as the central attraction.

Ely Nott
Library, Information and Archives Services Apprentice

Further reading:
IOR/L/PJ/6/192, File 27 Disposal of a white elephant found in the palace at Mandalay, 14 December 1886-3 February 1887.
IOR/L/PJ/6/206, File 1208 The white elephant found in the palace at Mandalay to be lodged in the Phayre Gardens at Rangoon, 17 June 1887.

 

From 1801, John Fenwick worked as a journalist and newspaper editor.  Noted as either purchasing or editing the radical newspaper the Albion in 1801, when its proprietor Allan MacLeod was in Newgate, and the Plow in 1802.  For the latter, Fenwick wanted to develop a network of regional correspondents.  The extent to which he was successful, or harnessed a news communications network to political purposes, is not known. In the years that followed, he occasionally travelled from London for work.

Report of a political meeting in Nottingham by an ‘able pen’, Statesman 31 May 1810 British Newspaper Archive

From April 1810, if not before, Fenwick likely worked on the radical daily newspaper the Statesman which continued to print while its proprietor and publisher Daniel Lovell was in Newgate in 1810-15.  Other than a letter from Charles Lamb to Barron Field in 1817, direct evidence that Fenwick edited the Statesman is scant.  Political meetings were occasionally reported by an unnamed ‘able pen’.  In October 1810, the Statesman published a warmly appreciative theatre review which focused exclusively on the Covent Garden debut of Eliza Ann Fenwick, John and Eliza Fenwick’s daughter.

Theatre review on the Covent Garden debut of Eliza Ann Fenwick, John and Eliza Fenwick’s daughter, Statesman 6 October 1810 - British Newspaper Archive

John Fenwick’s family relied partly on Eliza Fenwick’s income as a children’s writer, and neither parent had guaranteed earnings.  Fenwick was briefly subject to the rules of Fleet prison as a debtor.  The creditors named alongside his discharge in April 1808 confirmed that his unpaid bills comprised those of the school master Samuel Boucher Allen, who may have taught their son Orlando Fenwick; and the apothecary surgeon James Moss, of Somers Town where the Godwins lived, who might have prescribed for or been called to attend any member of the Fenwick family.  A John Fenwick published a well reviewed A new elementary grammar of the English language (1811), shortly after William Hazlitt completed A new and improved grammar of the English tongue (1810) for Godwin’s Juvenile Library.

Masthead for The London Moderator and National Adviser 14 October 1818 printed and published by Thomas James Fenwick - British Newspaper Archive

In March 1812, John Fenwick’s brother Thomas James Fenwick (1768-1850), a draper and slop seller in Limehouse, started a weekly newspaper The London Moderator and National Adviser which continued to print until 1823. Eliza Fenwick noted that

My brother has offered to pay me, if I will write, by the sheet, as I advance. He has bought printing premises types etc for a newspaper he has started, and as he must keep a certain number of men he wishes to purchase manuscripts to print.

It is likely that John Fenwick edited this weekly newspaper from 1812, and he may have continued to do so until 1823.  On the masthead, John Fenwick appeared as the proprietor of this newspaper in December 1818, before the paper was purchased in January 1819 by a John Twigg.

Masthead for The London Moderator and National Adviser 30 December 1818 printed and published by John Fenwick -  British Newspaper Archive

Fenwick briefly employed Charles Lamb to write for the Albion in the Summer of 1801.  Two decades later, in 1820, Charles Lamb lampooned his former employer as the ‘excellent tosspot’ Ralph Bigod, an impecunious republican newspaper editor.  And so commenced the laughable legend, which led the academic Lissa Paul to bluntly reinvent the hard to research John Fenwick as ‘a deadbeat’, in her 2019 biography of the novelist and children’s writer Eliza Fenwick.

CC-BY
Dr Charlotte MacKenzie
Independent researcher
@HistoryCornwall

Creative Commons Attribution licence

Further reading:
British Newspaper Archive - much free content, including The London Moderator and National Adviser and Statesman

John Fenwick political radical and writer (1)

 

This post shares new research about the political radical and writer John Fenwick (1757-1823).

John Fenwick lived in Newcastle upon Tyne as a child.  He was the son of the Methodist preacher John Fenwick (d. 1787), who left the itinerancy and traded in 1756-77, after marrying Priscilla Mackaris (1735-71).  The younger Fenwick likely attended Newcastle Free School when Hugh Moises was schoolmaster.

Copper token with a cat issued by Thomas Spence, inscribed MY FREEDOM I AMONG SLAVES ENJOY, London 1796 - image courtesy of the British Museum

Fenwick was a contemporary of the working class radical Thomas Spence (1750-1814), who first promulgated his plans for ‘democratic parishes’ at the Newcastle Philosophical Society in 1775.  Before moving to London in the late 1780s, where Spence became well known as a radical bookseller, and later produced the meme like cat token here.  Charles Lamb noted to the Parliamentary clerk John Rickman that Fenwick ‘in youth conversed with the philosophers’.

Lieutenant George Belson, Corps of Marines, outside the Guard Room of the Marine Barracks, Chatham, 1780. Image courtesy of the National Army Museum.

Fenwick was described by others as an Army officer in his youth.  The only ‘J. Fenwick’ listed as an Army officer in 1773-87 was a second lieutenant of the British Marine Corps on half pay.  First listed in 1773 (when John Fenwick was aged 16), then as a second lieutenant in 1775, 1777-78, and 1784-87.  He might have been assigned without a commission in the intervening war years.  In 1793, Fenwick downplayed the extent of his military experience in a letter to General Miranda of the French republican army.

Aged 31, Fenwick sprang fully formed onto the pages of William Godwin’s diary in August 1788.  When he, Godwin, and Thomas Holcroft dined together at the White Hart in London.  He was proposed and accepted as a member of the Society of Constitutional Information in 1792.  He probably attended the Philomathean Society, at which Godwin, Holcroft and others met to debate, with a maximum 21 members.

Fenwick was a republican.  He travelled to France in 1793, and earned his living partly as a translator from French to English.  In 1796-7, payments were made to Committee members who produced The Moral and Political Magazine of the London Corresponding Society, among whom the ‘Fenwick’ who offered to complete these tasks without payment for two months, in December 1796, probably was John Fenwick.

Satirical print entitled 'Promenade in the State Side of Newgate', London 1793. The figures are identified at the bottom of the page. Image courtesy of the British Museum.

Fenwick was closely associated with some men convicted of sedition in the 1790s.  The London Corresponding Society made donations to support the family of Joseph Gerrald (pictured here with a newspaper) after he was transported following the ‘British Convention’ in Edinburgh.  His daughter Fanny Gerrald (b. 1791) stayed with John and Eliza Fenwick and their two children in 1798-9.

At that time, Fenwick also attended the trial and execution of the priest James Coigly, was entrusted to edit and publish Coigly’s papers, and separately published his own pamphlet on the trial.  Soon after, Fenwick travelled to Dublin, in February 1799, where he remained until late April.

As the millenium turned, Fenwick looked for new ways to further radical politics and earn a living.  His short biography of Godwin appeared in the second volume of Richard Phillips’ Public Characters (October, 1799).  He wrote a stage comedy The Indian: a farce, derived from the pre-revolutionary French opera Arlequin sauvage, which opened in London in October 1800 and was not a success.  From 1801, John Fenwick sought to earn his living as a journalist, which is the subject of our next post.

CC-BY
Dr Charlotte MacKenzie
Independent researcher
@HistoryCornwall

Creative Commons Attribution licence

John Fenwick political radical and writer (2)

A previous post on this blog told the story of Alice Buckley who contacted the India Office regarding hidden stolen loot.  However, this isn’t the only such case which came to the notice of government.

In April 1905, the India Office received a communication from the Rev Dr Hume, a missionary of the American Board who worked in Ahmednagar and was then on furlough in America.  Hume was acting on behalf of Edward Dowling of 61 Henry Street, New York City.  At that time Dowling was 73 years old and infirm, and felt he needed to make a statement to government concerning some buried loot.  In November 1858, Dowling was a sergeant with the 54th West Norfolk Regiment serving in Oudh.  Along with three friends he had found and buried some loot, amounting to 3 bags of gold coins, a quantity of silver, and two packages of precious stones in the joints of hollow bamboos.  He said it would not be ‘either correct of politic’ for him to give the names of his comrades.  He offered to return to India and help officials there to find the loot.

Edward Dowling's first statement IOR/L/PJ/6/718, File 1152

The Government of India accepted this offer, but Dowling’s doctor then forbade him from travelling on health grounds, stating that ‘any attempt on his part to make such an extended trip would simply be suicidal’. 

Report on Edward Dowling's health by Dr J Huber IOR/L/PJ/6/718, File 1152

Instead, Dowling made a more detailed statement to aid any attempt to find the loot, and this survives in India Office files.  The statement is headed ‘Directions for finding loot hidden near the fort of Amathie, Oudh, India, on the 11th November 1858’.

Edward Dowling's second statement IOR/L/PJ/6/718, File 1152

Dowling and three comrades were spread out foraging in the vicinity of the deserted fort of Amethi, attended by a camp-follower.  The camp-follower came running towards Dowling shouting ‘Loot Sahib’, pursued by a rebel sowar who cut him down before Dowling could prevent it.  Near him they found loot consisting of gold and silver coins and precious stones.  Knowing the strict rules against looting, they carefully checked no-one was nearby, and then two men kept watch while the other two buried the loot.  It required a trench 8ft long and 2ft deep.  The surplus earth was thrown into a nearby swamp, and every care was taken to conceal the place.  However, one of the men was unreliable as he had a record of drunkenness and tended to blab when drunk.  So the two men who had originally buried the loot moved it half a mile to the west.  They didn’t have an opportunity of telling Dowling as his wing of the Regiment had moved to Fyzabad, while the other three went to Sultanpur.

Edward Dowling's map of the area showing the location of the treasure IOR/L/PJ/6/718, File 1152

The two men who buried the loot died without Dowling seeing them again, but one of them on his deathbed sent for the unreliable man and told him where the loot was.  He gave him £300 and instructed him to tell Dowling, which he evidently didn’t.  Dowling did not see or hear anything until March 1904 when he met the unreliable man accidently in the Bowery in New York.  Dowling said that he was in a deplorable condition, and he did what he could to help him. After a couple of weeks, he disappeared, and Dowling was unable to trace him and believed him to be dead.

On 18 August 1905, the India Office forwarded the information to the Government of India with the instruction to take what action they deemed advisable.  Sadly, there are no further papers in the files indicating what action, if any, was taken.

John O’Brien
India Office Records

Further Reading:
Offer of information concerning the position of valuable plunder said to have been buried in Oudh during the Mutiny, April 1905, shelfmark: IOR/L/PJ/6/718, File 1152.

 

One Saturday evening in May 1870 at Murree Station, Bengal, a ball was held for the civil and military officers and their families stationed there.

People dancing at a ball from Dean's Shilling Story Books, 1876 - 12809.g.21 Images Online

The next morning, the ball’s attendees were surprised to find the Station’s Chaplain, Reverend William Whitmarsh Phelps, preaching his sermon on the immoralities of dancing and of attending such balls.  He went on to make comments more generally on the financial situation of men and what he seemed to view as the excessive spending associated with balls commenting on the ‘probable inability of husbands to meet their wives' milliners’ bills.’

Many of the individuals in the congregation found his remarks to be inappropriate and out of line, and wrote to Robert Millman, Bishop of Calcutta, to complain about Phelps’s conduct.

The Bishop’s response to the complaints was prompt and decisive.  He censured Phelps for his comments, stating that the very idea of dancing being immoral seemed absurd and that he found the Reverend’s comments regarding officers' finances to be impertinent.

'The Immorality of Dancing' - Newspaper article from the Boston Guardian, 11 June 1870 British Newspaper Archive

Phelps did not remain in Bengal much longer following the events in Murree.  By 1872 he had left India on furlough, retiring from service on 16 July 1872.

The Reverend William Whitmarsh Phelps was born in Cricklade, Wiltshire, in 1826, the son of Reverend William Whitmarsh and Octavia his wife.  He studied for the clergy at Queen’s College Oxford and received his M.A. in 1852.  He was appointed an Assistant Chaplain on the East India Company’s Bengal Establishment on 2 August 1854 and was subsequently posted to Peshawar, Sialkot and Rawalpindi before being appointed as a Chaplain in 1866.  He had been Chaplain in Mian Mir before being posted to Murree.

He married firstly in Lee, Kent, in 1857 to Amelia Matilda Hughes Hughes.  The couple had no children and she died in Eastbourne, Sussex, in 1892.  Phelps married for a second time the following year to Laura King.  They had one daughter Laura Elizabeth Whitmarsh who was born in Eastbourne in 1894.

William Whitmarsh Phelps died on 6 October 1906 in Brighton Sussex, one month shy of his 80th birthday.

Karen Stapley
Curator, India Office Records

Further Reading:
IOR/E/4/828, p.103 - Appointment of Reverend W.W. Phelps to the Bengal Ecclesiastical Establishment
Boston Guardian 11 June 1870 ‘The Immorality of Dancing’ British Newspaper Archive
S. J. McNally, The Chaplains of the East India Company, p.87 entry for William Whitmarsh Phelps - Available in Asian and African Studies Reading Room OIR 253.0954

 

The British Library’s display ‘Queer Lives in Literature’ is now open in the John Ritblat gallery at the British Library in St Pancras.  Drawing on the British Library’s collection of rare books and manuscripts, the display focuses on queer themes in English literature made between the years 1600-1900.  The display is open until January 2025.

Literature has long been an outlet to explore the diversity of human desires, sexualities and identities.  These representations and articulations precede the acronym LGBTQ+ which today informs much of our current understandings of sexuality and gender.  Same-sex love and desire, as well as gender non-conformity and transgression may have been understood differently in the past, but they were still explored by writers.  The British Library’s new display 'Queer Lives in Literature' showcases the permanence of queer love, desire and experimentation within works of literature, illuminating some of the humour, transgression and skill with which creatives have approached such subjects.

The display begins in the 17th century, where satire and humour were often employed to allude to same-sex relations and transgressive gender expressions.  Some of this was utilised in satirical and derogatory ways, but likewise some writers would occasionally explore sincere romantic sentiments through poetry and prose.  Included among the collection items from this era is a manuscript transcript of John Donne’s poem, ‘Sapho to Philaenis’.  The poem voices the thoughts of the ancient Greek poet, Sappho, and her affection towards her female lover.  This poem is believed to be the first lesbian-themed poem in modern English.

A 17th Century transcript of John Donne’s poem, ‘Sapho to Philaenis’, Add MS 18647, ff. 39v-40r. 1620.30

Satire and playfulness continued to be a feature of some of the 18th-century works that include queer themes or narratives.  The display includes an epistle which articulates the voice of the Chevalier d’Eon.  The Chevalier was an actual 18th-century diplomat, spy and soldier who changed gender during their lifetime.  There was much interest in their identity, and this was captured within the street literature of the era.  This flirtatious poem and its accompanying print capitalised on the public’s fascination over the Chevalier.  Other 18th-century writings, however, employed more romantic sentiments, with a focus on ‘romantic friendship’ among same-sex couples within the aristocratic circles of the era.

Print Etching of the Chevalier D’Eon representing their male and female presentations, J/11631.g.31.(12.), 1778

From the 19th century we can identify some more affirmative queer literature.  Writers such as Edward Carpenter realised a more positive prose with a focus on liberatory gay love.

Portrait of Edward Carpenter, 1890. Add MS 70536 (117).

This contrasted with the idea of transgressive/taboo sexualities, as articulated by authors such as Algernon Swinburne.  Through an exploration of taboo and contentious sexual subject-matter, his work built on the longstanding gothic motif of the dangers of unrestrained sexuality.  At the turn of the 20th century, Oscar Wilde’s literature was used against him as evidence of immorality.  With Wilde’s conviction and subsequent death in exile, many that followed would fear engaging with such themes.

The expansive and self-realised queer literary landscape that exists now is often interpreted as a modern phenomenon, but the poetry and prose of the centuries which preceded this instead articulate the permanence and persistence of queerness in literature.

Jessica Gregory
Project Officer – Modern Archives and Manuscripts

Further reading:
LGBTQ Histories in the Archives

This post provides details of digitised collections from the India Office Records and Private Papers which are available online while we recover from the cyberattack.

It builds on the previous blog posts, Interim ways of working with the India Office Records and Private Papers and IOR catalogue records added to Discovery platform. 

The focus is on collections held by the British Library, although we do mention external sites which have a content overlap with some of our currently inaccessible digitised collections.

Qatar Digital Library (free access)

Over 2 million images, primarily taken from the IOR and Private Papers, with a focus on the Gulf region, plus Arabic scientific manuscripts from the British Library.

Qatar Digital Library (qdl.qa)

British Library Research Repository (open access)

A small amount of IOR material has been made available here, including the India Office Lists, a selection of Government of India Administration Reports, and a selection of indexes for the East India Company dispatches.

Datasets from the India Office Records and Private Papers // British Library (bl.uk)

Endangered Archives Programme - Survey of East India Company and Colonial materials of Jamestown, St Helena (free access)

This project surveyed relevant archives at Jamestown and digitised a selection of materials.

https://eap.bl.uk/project/EAP524

Botany and medicine resources (free access)

While the Botany in British India collection remains unavailable, you may find relevant published material online at the Biodiversity Heritage Library. 

While the India Office Medical Archive collection remains unavailable, you may find relevant published material online at the National Library of Scotland Medical History of British India site.

Adam Matthew - East India Company (subscription)

Focused on the Company period (1600-1858), and divided into six modules. An overview of the records included can be found here: Nature and Scope - East India Company - Adam Matthew Digital (amdigital.co.uk) 

Adam Matthew - Area Studies: India (subscription)

Digitised from microfilm, this resource includes official and personal papers of George Curzon, Viceroy of India 1898-1905, from Mss Eur F111 and F112; Indian Newspaper Reports c1868-1942, from IOR/L/R/5; a selection of personal diaries by military and civil office holders, from across the Private Papers; and a selection of publications on India and Britain by Indian authors, from the India Office Library collections.

Adam Matthew - Area Studies: India  

Find My Past - British India Collection (subscription)

This service will let you search and view digitised military, civil service and medical personnel records, plus birth, baptism, marriage, death and burial registers, wills and probate records.

Find My Past - British India Office Collection (findmypast.co.uk) 

Gale Cengage resources (subscription)

Papers from the Public and Judicial Department (IOR/L/PJ) appear in Refugees, Relief and Resettlement: Forced Migration and WW2.

Papers from the Military Records (IOR/L/MIL), Political and Secret Department (IOR/L/PS) and Burma Office (IOR/M) appear in China and the Modern World: Diplomacy and Political Secrets, 1869-1950. 

 

When the East India Company (EIC) invaded the South Indian kingdom of Sivaganga in 1772, they met with opposition from Indian warrior women.  These women were a diverse group from different walks of life - royal household, rural areas, across all caste groups.  Although many of their names and stories have not found a place in history, they have survived in local folklore, songs, bharathanatyam performances, and have been immortalised as deities in the local temples.

View of Sivaganga, Mysore, India. Wash-drawing by Colin MacKenzie, 1800 - British Library WD570.

Here is the story of three of these early female freedom fighters: Velu Nachiyar, Udaiyaal and Kuyili.  As the earliest women to rise against the EIC, their lives offer a glimpse into the beginnings of the anti-colonial movements, evoking an image of resilience and fortitude.

Rani Velu Nachiyar was a formidable Tamil Queen, who was both admired and vilified by the British for her valour and bravery in defending her kingdom.  She was born in 1730 to the Raja and Rani of the Ramnad kingdom. Skilled in the art of warfare and weaponry, Velu Nachiyar was also a scholar, and mastered several languages including English, French and Urdu.  At the age of 16, she married the prince of Sivaganga, Muthuvadugananthur Udaiyathevar. In 1750, Velu Nachiyar and her husband became monarchs of the Kingdom of Sivaganga.

Sword with double edged steel blade; iron hilt, guard, pommel and reinforcements. Two brass jingles below the pommel cap.Tamil Nadu (Sivaganga) India, 17th century. V&A Collections (Accession No. IM.11-1924).

In 1772, EIC troops, alongside the Nawab of Arcot’s son, invaded Sivaganga and marched towards the Kalaiyar Kovil Fort.  The Raja of Sivaganga was killed at the Battle of Kalaiyar Kovil on 25 June.  The kingdom fell under enemy control and the Kalaiyar Kovil Fort was plundered.  Rani Velu Nachiyar and her daughter Vellachi escaped capture through the sacrifice of Udaiyaal, a village woman who refused to reveal their secret hideout during interrogation and who was killed for her insubordination.  Rani Velu Nachiyar and Vellachi fled Sivaganga and sought refuge near Dindigul.

View of Dindigul. Tamil Nadu, India, 1790 - British Library WD 640, f.3(16)).

During her eight-year exile, Rani Velu Nachiyar acquired influential alliances with neighbouring rulers (e.g. Gopala Nayaker, Hyder Ali) who supported her preparations for battle against the EIC, providing additional soldiers, weapons, resources and training. Rani Nachiyar built an army of fierce female warriors that she named after Udaiyaal.

Mausoleum of Haidar Ali near Mysore, Karnataka. Coloured aquatint by J. Wells after A. Allan, 1794 -Wellcome Collections (Reference: 29869i).

In 1780, Rani Velu Nachiyar and the Udaiyaal army skilfully infiltrated Sivaganga.  Aware of the superior military prowess of the British, Rani Nachiyar used her knowledge of the terrain and employed guerrilla warfare tactics - spies, sabotage, ambush.  Rani Nachiyar’s military advisor was Kuyili, a woman from a lower caste background.  As a spy for the royal household, she had protected the Rani’s life on multiple occasions and soon rose to the rank of commander-in-chief of the Udaiyaal women’s army.  At the Battle of Sivaganga, Kuyili devised a strategy to attack the EIC’s weapons storage.  Disguised as a rural woman, Kuyili entered the secure storehouse unnoticed and set herself ablaze, destroying the EIC’s weapons and ammunitions.  The EIC and the Nawab fled from Sivaganga in defeat and Rani Nachiyar regained her Kingdom.  The Tamil Queen ruled Sivaganga for another decade before handing the kingdom to her daughter.

View of Shevagunga on the road to Seringapatam. Wash-drawing by Robert Home, 1792 - British Library WD3775[14].

In recent years India has honoured the memory of these women warriors through issuing commemorative stamps, installing monuments and memorials.

Rani Velu Nachiyar on Indian postage stamp 2008- Wikimedia Commons

The contribution of these women as warriors vanished at the intersection of colonialism and patriarchy, instead brown women were recast as helpless and in need of saving. I hope this blog post creates curiosity and the excavation of more stories of Warrior Women!

CC-BY
Theeba Krishnamoorthy
Research Fellow, University of East London

Creative Commons Attribution licence

Further reading:
Archer, Mildred. British Drawings in the India Office Library, Vol. 2: Official and Professional Artists (London: 1969), p474-475.
Letters received from Madras (28 Feb 1772 - 29 Oct 1773), including letters from General Smith regarding the Carracoil War. British Library, IOR/E/4/305.
Mishra, A., Mishra, M. and Paluri, L. (2021) 'Velu Nachiyar: The Veeramangai who petrified the British'. Turkish Online Journal of Qualitative Inquiry, 12(8).

NB In the British Library archives: (1) Raja (King) Muthuvadugananthur Udaiyathevar of Sivaganga is referred to as Nalcooty Polygar; and (2) Kalaiyar Kovil is spelt as Kella Coil or Carracoil.